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Title: The conflicts among different cultural groups in the Middle East
Introduction
In the countries of the Middle East, there are varied cultural and sectarian groups that have for centuries continued to live together in a common geographical setting. However, the coexistence has not always been a peaceful one. In recent times, many clashes have occurred along cultural and sectarian lines at different levels. Currently, there is an ongoing intervention from external powers in these conflicts. A significant instance of interference was the creation of the state of Israel in 1948. The creation of this state resulted in a new wave of unsteadiness that triggered clashes at both cultural and sectarian levels.
There is a controversial view, which reinforces the notion that the current conflict involves various cultural groups fighting against each other (Khoury, 1990). These groups are said to be experiencing difficulties on ways of interacting with each other at the cultural level. This paper explores the various cultural and sectarian groups that are present in the Middle East, the norms shared among them as well as variations. The common grounds underlying this semblance are also explored. The differences are explained from the viewpoint of sectarian and cultural perspectives. The paper explores whether the problems of Middle East are cultural or sectarian in nature.
The impact of imperial powers in the establishment of the state of Israel is assessed with regard to its effect on the cultural relations within the Middle East. Focus shifts to the ongoing conflicts in the Middle East on different levels where a determination is made on whether Israel is a political or cultural entity. With regard to the current revolutions in different Arab countries, the question that arises is on whether they are an outcome of various conflicting interests among various cultural or sectarian groups. In the conclusion, a clear map of the Middle Eastern social and cultural landscape is portrayed in terms of features and characteristics.
Sectarianism is a manifestation of modernity and it transcends physical boundaries of one country. In common parlance, sectarianism is normally misconstrued as a way through which Muslims respond to westernization. At other times, it is viewed as an outcome of the many socio-economic inequalities that exist among different religious groups. During the 19th century, for instance, religious violence led many Middle East Muslims to engage in mobilization activities along sectarian lines. As a result, many people were massacred in 1860. At this time, the conflicts were highly complex, and the overarching observation was that this was a way of expressing modernity rather than a reaction to it.
In the Middle East, sectarianism appears to be a deliberate move towards mobilizing identities from a religious perspective so as to attain certain social and political goals. An excellent example is the Ottoman reform movement, which was a response to the growing threat presented by Europeans in the Middle East (Makdisi, 2000). The Ottoman mobilization contributed to the social order in Lebanon. In Lebanon, this turn of affairs led to the bridging of all religious differences at the national level.
In Iraq, sectarianism constitutes a crucial facet of the country’s socio-political landscape. The main sects include Kurds, Shi’I and Suni Arabs. The Kurds and Arabs normally tend to have despicable attitudes towards each other. Nevertheless, this has not stopped many Arabs from travelling in Kurdish areas, particularly during the time of Ramadan. In Iraq, there is even a Kurdish Regional Government. This government is in the north-eastern region of Iraq. The divisions along sectarian lines which are present in Iraq have led to the creation of the terms of ‘Arab Iraq’ and ‘Kurdish Iraq’. Better relations between Kurds and Arabs were particularly hampered since the end of the Gulf War in 1991. The recent trend where many Arabs move to the north to celebrate Ramadan has presented these two sects with a rare opportunity to reconcile with each other.
Shi’I and Sunni clerics have been interacting a lot in the south of Iraq, particularly following the withdrawal of US troops from the country. Such interactions are reminiscent of the events of 1920, when both sects shared moments of shared rituals when they were protesting the occupation of the British in Iraq. In most cases, there are stark similarities between the rituals of Sunni and Shi’I Muslims. The few differences that exist are the ones that make them qualify to be referred to as sects.
In Lebanon, sectarianism is a reality, with each group expressing a relatively unique religious ideology, mainly through variations in religious rituals. Sectarianism here has been perpetuated through, among other areas, the Phalange Phalange Party. Since its formation in the 1930s, this party has had very centralized structures, with its leader being very powerful. Although the French banned the party, it was resuscitated after the French withdrew from Lebanon. This party has always been in favor of the sectarian status quo in Lebanon. The core aim of this sectarian identity is to preserve the ‘Phoenician’ identity of Lebanon. In this regard, the underlying objective has been to set the country as a unique entity, completely different from its Arab-Muslim neighbors. In Lebanon, sectarianism manifests itself mainly through Zuama and Jumayyil. The Zuama have sought to achieve their status mainly through wealth inheritance while Jumayyil’s ascent is attributed to instillation of discipline in the Phalange Party.
In Syria, the main sectarian groups are Alawis and Sunni. In the historical times, the Sunnis were mainly composed of the Damascus’ elite while the Alawis group was made up of impoverished peasants, who inhabited mainly the Latakia province. They mainly worked as serfs in lands that the land owned by Sunnis. There is also the Aleppo group, comprising of the ruling class. When the Ottoman Empire collapsed, the French mandate that was established over the country gave the minorities an opportunity to improve their circumstances.
In the ongoing Spring Uprising in the Arab world, which has spread into Syria, sectarian politics have become a core component of the conflicts that keep emerging. In Syria, the fighting has become a sectarian affair, with the minority sect of Alawi, to which President Assad belongs, launching attacks on Sunni Arabs and strongholds where the opponent sects live. The Sunni Muslim Brotherhood has on many occasions decried the tendency by the Alawite elite to engage in sectarian violence, which appears like ethnic-cum-sectarian cleansing.
In Saudi Arabia, just like in other countries of the Arab world, sectarianism is rife. Shiite Muslims have on several times been on collision path with other sectarian groups. These conflicts have in recent times triggered campaigns aimed at promoting religious tolerance. Unlike in the 1980s when the country was embracing sectarian sentiments, no sectarian agenda is being openly pursued. However, this has not stopped various sectarian groups from asserting their importance in Saudi Arabia. Since 2003, the Saudi government has been trying, with minimal success, to defuse sectarian prejudices at local levels. A case in point has been the much-hyped efforts to invite prominent Shi’a clerics to take part in national dialogue meetings as well as encouraging Sunnis to visit areas where Shi’a communities live.
In terms of cultural groups, the level of diversity is as profound as that of sectarianism. Across the Arab world, which is home to some 180 million people, one of the main manifestations of cultural variations is the various dialects of the Arab language (Bellin, 2004). One of the unifying factors across these cultures, though, is Islam. However, there are high Christian populations in Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Palestine, and Egypt. For Muslims, a dominant cultural practice which is founded on their religion is avoidance of pork and alcohol. Other religious practices that are intertwined with their cultural way of life include mode of dressing, dietary habits, and religious practices and observances.
However, unlike in the issue of sectarian groups, the Arab culture in many cases is a source of unity and harmonious living. Iraq, for instance, has a very rich cultural legacy, which acts as a unifying factor for Muslims of various sectarian backgrounds. There is some sort of cultural contiguity across the Middle East. Unlike in areas of sectarian groupings, cultural aspects are mainly shared, with geographical areas being sources of many indicators of cultural similarities in terms of heritage.
However, some variations are noticeable as one moves from one Middle Eastern country to the other. For instance, it is illegal to take alcohol in Saudi while in Egypt, it is not. In some countries, it is illegal to holds hands or fondle in public. At the extreme, in some countries, it is prohibited to speak to female members of the Muslim community. Many Middle Eastern countries have very strict anti-homosexuality laws. In all the countries, the laws tend to get stricter and stricter as one ventures into the countryside. Above all, one cultural-religious aspect that unites all Muslims is the practice of praying five times every day. All Middle Eastern newspapers always contain the exact times when the believer have to kneel and bow down in prayer.
There are significant differences the Middle Eastern cultural and sectarian groups. For one to understand these differences, it is important to focus on the two main ways in which states were being formed in the Middle East: territorial state formation and imperial state formation. The last imperial state in the Islamic world was the Ottoman Empire. When this Empire collapsed, many nation-states emerged, characterized by occupation by colonialists. This new era created a period of cultural and sectarian divisions, as each nation-state tried to adapt to the new socio-economic realities of the time.
The period of colonialism seems to have stirred the cultural landscape that had existed in the Middle East for ages. In a way, the region seems to have been forcefully integrated into the new global system. This integration has contributed to the coinage of the term ‘Near East’ as an alternative for ‘Middle East’. The term connotes some sort of cultural uniqueness, though one that has been defined in comparison to the Western norms. In this regard, the culture of the Middle East is seen as a cohesive entity.
However, there are some clearly discernible differences between cultural and sectarian groups in the Middle East. For one, cultural groups do not ordinarily appear to lean towards political ideologies. In contrast, sectarian groups are always active players in the region’s political dialogue. At the national level, numerous conflicts tend to be exacerbated whenever there is a sectarian dimension to the political equation. A case in point is in Syria, where accusations of sectarian cleansing have become the norm in the ongoing popular revolt aimed at removing President Bashir Assad from power.
The varied groups of the Middle East may be said to be made up of sectarian entities rather than cultural ones. Whereas there is cultural contiguity across states, such contiguity is missing in on the sectarian front. To understand the question of sectarianism, it is worthwhile to mention that half of the Middle Eastern peoples are non-Arab, even though majority of the states are Arab nations (Held, 2010). In this regard, one may well say that the conflicts that are persistent in this region are of sectarian and not a cultural nature.
When the imperial powers established the nation of Israel, this triggered a new wave of sectarian content among the Middle Eastern peoples. This was done through the addition of the Jewish dimension into the sectarian mix in the volatile Palestinian territory (Liebman, 1983). The year 1948, at which time Israel was created, was a culmination of some 50 years of efforts to establish a homeland for all Jews. These efforts gathered pace after 1917, when the British government indicated that it would support efforts to create such a sovereign nation in Palestine. By virtue of having been created by the imperial powers of the day, Israel is a political entity and not a cultural one. The violence that takes place between Israelis and Palestinians is more sectarian and political than cultural in nature.
The political system of Israel differs from that of other countries of the Middle East by virtue of the civil-religious differences between the people of Israel and those of the neighboring Middle Eastern countries. Since its inception, the Jewish society has been exhibiting religious uniqueness that borders on sectarianism, with Judaism being the dominant religious leaning. Cultural issues are rarely the subject of discussion in the regions political debate, but religious issues normally take center stage.
In conclusion, the current revolutions that are taking place in Egypt, Tunisia, Syria, Libya, and other Arab countries may be viewed as arising out of conflicting interests among different sectarian groups. For instance, in Syria, sectarian division is rife. In Egypt, this conflict has for decades pitied Muslims who form the country’s majority, against Coptic Christians, who constitute 10% of the country’s population. Indeed, throughout his decades-long rule, former President Hosni Mubarak has been relying on dividing Egyptians along religious and sectarian lines. Sectarian violence has also been a frequent phenomenon in Libya during the popular uprising against former President Muammar Gaddafi both before and after his ouster. The attacks have pitted Salafists against Sufis. This pattern of sectarian violence is similar to the ones experienced in Iraq, Afghanistan, Lebanon, Syria, Saudi Arabia, and Kuwait.
References
Bellin, E. (2004) The Robustness of Authoritarianism in the Middle East: Exceptionalism in Comparative Perspective, Comparative Politics, 36(2), 139-157.
Held, C. (2010) Middle East Patterns: People, Places, and Patterns (Fourth Edition), London: Westview Press.
Khoury, P. (1990) Tribes and state formation in the Middle East, Berkeley: University of California Press.
Liebman, C. (1983) Civil religion in Israel: traditional Judaism and political culture in the Jewish state, Los Angeles: University of California Press.
Makdisi, U. (2000) The Culture of Sectarianism: Community, History, and Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon, Berkeley: University of California Press.
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